Republican Version Of 'Cadillac Tax' In Obamacare Replacement Drawing Fire From Employers And Unions
Posted by Tyler Durden on February 13, 2017 10:30 pm
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Categories: 111th United States Congress American Enterprise Institute Baseball Hall of Fame balloting Cadillac insurance plan Congress Congressional Budget Office Economy Education Employee benefits Government Health in the United States health insurance Health insurance in the United States Healthcare reform in the United States Internal Revenue Code Internal Revenue Service Kaiser Family Foundation Labor Law Michigan National Retail Federation Obama Administration obamacare Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act Payroll tax Politics Provisions of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act Social Issues Statutory law tax Taxation in the United States U.S. Chamber of Commerce Unite Wall Street Journal Washington D.C. Withholding taxes
Back in 2009, the Obama administration drew a lot of fire from employers and labor unions over Obamacare’s so-called “Cadillac Tax”, a tax on healthcare premiums over a certain threshold. Apparently, the United Auto Workers in the Midwest had grown accustomed to their unlimited supply of Viagra, completely free of charge, and were unwilling to ‘go down’ without a fight.
Fast forward eight years and now several Republican plans for replacing the ACA include their own curb on generous health plans: a cap on how much of employer-provided health benefits could be shielded from taxes. Such a cap could force certain workers to start paying income tax on a portion of the cost of their coverage.
Currently, when an employee receives health insurance, the value of that benefit isn’t subject to either income or payroll taxes. On average, employer coverage for a single worker last year ran $6,435, while for a family, the tab was $18,142, according to a survey by the Kaiser Family Foundation. Employers bore about 82% of the cost for single plans, and about 70% for family coverage.
While the Republican plan would limit the deductibility of premium payments as opposed to implementing a special tax, as the Wall Street Journal points out, “in the end, they both would have similar effects,” including pushing companies toward skinnier health plans, according to Steve Wojcik, an official with the National Business Group on Health, which represents employers. “It’s six of one, a half-dozen of the other.”
Of course, many politicians in Washington D.C. view a tax on “Cadillac” plans as a huge revenue opportunity that could add $20 billion annually to federal coffers by 2025.
House Speaker Paul Ryan (R., Wis.) said recently he has long supported a cap on the health-benefits tax exclusion, but that it was an “open question” where Congress would end up on the issue. Mr. Hatch in a statement said, “We must study the open-ended tax preference and its impact on costs for employees and increased spending by employers.”
The tax exclusion for employer health benefits represents a huge pool of potential federal revenue, estimated at $266 billion in 2016, according to the Congressional Budget Office. Capping the exclusion would bring in a small fraction of that total. The Cadillac tax, the CBO said, would raise federal revenue by $2 billion in 2020, growing to $20 billion in 2025—money that could help defray the cost of expanded health coverage under the ACA.
That said, it’s not just C-suite executives who would be hit by the “Cadillac tax” as many unionized employees are also at risk, after decades of negotiating ever better healthcare plans far in excess of what their counterparts in non-unionized, private-sector jobs get.
Still, the current proposals to limit the tax exclusion are drawing sharp pushback from employers, which say the change could limit their flexibility and add to their costs, and labor groups, which fear their members could end up paying additional taxes. A December letter to members of Congress that criticized both the Cadillac tax and the health-benefits exclusion cap was signed by groups including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the National Retail Federation.
The cap is also drawing opposition from the Alliance to Fight the 40, a coalition that lobbies against the Cadillac tax, which would impose a 40% levy on the value of health plans above certain cutoff levels. Last month, the group, which includes employers, unions and health companies, paid to blast an ad at electronic devices in the vicinity of congressional Republicans’ Philadelphia retreat, with the message: “Taxes on employer-sponsored health care are a bad idea.”
Members of unions that have negotiated robust health benefits are among those likely to be hit by taxes tied to high-cost plans. Capping the health-benefits exclusion “would be a huge tax increase on the middle class,” said D. Taylor, president of Unite Here, which represents hospitality workers.
Meanwhile, economists have long said the tax exclusion for health benefits has negative effects, encouraging employers to offer too-generous health coverage. That, they argue, leads to excessive health spending because employees are shielded from the full cost of medical care. The existing health-benefits tax exclusion “has been an important factor in promoting the kinds of inefficiencies in the health-care system that we have seen,” said Joseph Antos, an expert at the conservative-leaning American Enterprise Institute, who supports a cap on the employer health-benefits tax exclusion.
Of course, the real question is how Trump’s largely unionized supporters in Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania will respond to an assault on their unlimited chiropractic visits, ‘therapeutic’ massages and Viagra.